Terry Kawashima's Theory

Kawashima ( ) argues that this is because Komachi was intention on the wholey marginalized by "the agendas and strategies of later generations," principally men (p. 123). She ( ) contends, "Discursive constructions, when utilized by those with ad hoc powers - such as poetry anthology compilers - can shoot a cumulative and lasting impact on not hardly the understanding of the marginalized figure by later generations but besides the canon of premodern literature itself" (p. 123). In the case of an individual whose historical record is so sketchy, most of the information about her and her fix in history must be inferred from secondary sources, and Kawashima's contestation is that such sources have intentionally lessened Komachi's importance by the way they have categorized and catalogued her. One of the ways these scholars have marginalized Komachi, Kawashima ( ) argues, is by first emphasizing her beauty and wealth in order to then show these qualities "to be ultimately ineffective and meaningless in the face of old age and exiguity" (p. 127).

Kawashima contends that those who have marginalized Komachi were male and were both religious and secular leaders, individually with their have got reasons for needing to dilute the poet's female power and importance. For religious supporters, diminish Komachi's power allowed them to promote "particular Buddhist notions about literal and sexual wealth," while the military class that was fetching come across of the government could use her as a cautionary fig

Marra, M. ( ). Representation of power. __: __.

Marra's course is that Komachi's transformation by male Buddhist priests during the medieval period allowed them to appropriate her depiction to control a paradigm that had initially seemed to be her feature property. Marra contends that these priests saw secular writing, especially secular writing by women, as a threat to their position as mediators between the common people and the mysteries of the divine. That women were seen as inherently defiled but by virtue of their gender compounded the problem. By taking over the narrative themselves, the priests could rewrite their story to suit their own purposes. The secular woman could be used to communicate a religious metaphor.

Therefore, "the biographical detail was less important than the telephone exchange paradigm of the courtesan who achieves bodhisattvahood in spite of her original pollution" (Marra, __, pp. 101-102).

Whatever the particular types of entertainment offered by particular groups, all three writers agree that female entertainers, often in travelling troupes, were popular during this period and that their performances included both public and one-on-one entertainments. The exact nature of their performances in either forum depends on who is writing about them and the cultural bias at work. As Faure ( ) observes, "The hesitation in the translation (courtesan or prostitute) has to do with the detail that the meanings of the Japanese terms, as well as the social realities stinker them, ar quite different from their Western counterparts" (p. 255).

Historical area is not merely a question of looking at old records and texts and understanding them. It is also not as aboveboard as understanding the differences between cultures, vocabulary, and context. It also requires seriously considering whose voices are dominant and whose perspectives the record represents. Kawashima sets forth a powerful argument for considering the gender, the motives, the bias, and
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