Lives of Tse-tung and Gandhi

Vaitheswaran finds similarity between Gandhi and monoamine oxidase in the fact that both matured under imperialistic rule and worded a specifically native jingoistic outlook. But their practical methods and theoretical foundations differed dramatically. Mao's extremist leadership was environ by what one could call all the violence of urbane war, but Gandhi's was organized and implemented without a commitment to build up insurrection and the kinds of battle plans commonly associated with policy-making rebellion.

To be sure, Gandhi's India was non immune to political violence, either before or after Indian liberty. Further, Heehs asserts that the violence of some Indian independence factions non affiliated with Gandhi served Gandhi's political agenda beca practise of the British perception that Gandhi was the lesser evil. But whether he benefited from the violence of rival political factions, the drop off is that Gandhi himself uniformly opposed its strategic or tactical do in quest of Indian independence. Indeed, Gandhi appears to have connected rejection of revolutionary violence to successful political transition following independence: "For freedom won with non-violence [sic] will mean the source of a new order in the world." As betimes as 1909, Gandhi distanced himself from extremist and moderate Indian home-rule activists alike because, as he stated in Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, "either party relies on violence ultimately." In an introduction to the 1

3. Excesses of Cultural Revolution

3. Satyagraha, non passive resistance

A. Commitment to contradiction, conflict

Gandhi's negative wads of violence can be misunderstood as a strategy of passivity, but this is not accurate. It is important to understand nonviolence as an active political convention (or more exactly as a prescript of political action), although the call passive resistance, associated with Gandhi in popular imagination, suggests that the principle is not active. In a clarification of Satyagraha (civil disobedience aimed at effecting political change), Gandhi himself shows that passive resistance is a misleading term for another reason, that it "is often looked upon as a preparation for the use of force . . .

[and] may be offered posture by side with the use of arms." He continues:

Violence was undoubtedly an attribute of militance for Mao, for it was in this period that China was in the midst of breakdown and civil war. The Kuomintang, with which the Communists were was allied at the time, sought to unify the provinces through its Peasant Movement Training Institute: "When the [Kuomintang's] National revolutionist Army reached the areas in which the party cadres worked, they were to mobilize the peasants to serve the array in supporting roles such as spies, guides, and porters."

If we are pie-eyed the British become powerless. I am therefore try to wean the people from their hatred by asking them to develop the strength of mind to invite the British to withdraw. . . . Orderly British withdrawal will turn the hatred into affection.

Bullard, Monte. China's Political-Military Evolution: The society & the Military in the PRC, 1960-1984. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1984.

Rice, E.E. Mao's Way. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972.

In contrast to Gandhi's view of the structure of political revolution, Mao's conception of violence in political action in general and revolution in circumstance appears to have been instr
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